Sunday, June 17, 2012

On Capacity




                Two great challenges facing architects, urban planners and political socio-economic strategists in the second millennium of the common era are the trends of urban migration and technological dominance. Together these challenges create the basis of a new paradigm which may well define human existence for the foreseeable future. Over the past sixty years, rates of urban growth have risen to an unsurmounted   180,000 people per year, a rate which tipped the urban/rural scale definitively into the urban region sometime in 2007, according to UN estimates.6 While the reasons as to why the majority of the global population now inhabit urban environments may be attributed to failed harvests, better access to higher paying jobs and services, etc., the cost of this migration on the supportive fabrics is often dire, with the worst cases falling to the responsibility of the least capable regions.6,9 While North American and European urban areas have stabilized at around eighty percent, developing and undeveloped regions continue to suffer under the influx of people, allowing its cities to grow to a population forty times larger than that for which the infrastructure was designed. Often these urban areas provide no better services than the rural areas left behind which, in Africa for example, leaves seventy percent of the urban population living in slum conditions.6
                This is the issue of capacity. The existing model for urban design developed by modern theorists, while promoting an urban lifestyle, has not proved capable of dealing with the exponential growth urban areas have experienced. This existing model is completely dependent upon the conceptualization of space from a two-dimensional point of view (zoning) and until urban designers begin to think in three dimensions, peak capacity will never be reached and the problems facing urbanization will continue.7,10
                The second challenge is beginning to understand how architecture and planning will respond to the technologically-dominant lifestyle that has emerged over the last thirty years. In the same way that recent changes in the political borders and the creation of a universal currency in Europe have affected the way European citizens inhabit that place, so too the phenomena of technological space-time compression has changed the way global citizens inhabit the world.15 At the very lowest level of technological integration humans exist as users within networks even when completely disconnected from technological devices, whether they are ecological networks, social networks, or professional networks. It is when these networks are analyzed and integrated into a constructed "datascape"  that they become a layer in understanding the human spatial condition as a whole.3 When a user is connected to a digital device however, and inhabits multiple virtual spaces simultaneously, is when a complexity is reached which has the ability to inform architecture .
               
                                "No other phenomenon [urban densification] in the history of architecture has been so heavily and widely criticized as this one. It rendered the Modern movement taboo. And although many believe in its necessity , most of us want to distance ourselves from it, frightened of its very complexity and of its assumed dangers. But the awareness of the growing megacities has become apparent and has led, for instance, to UN declarations. A resurgence of interest in the at the end of the millennium can be explained by the new economies: this new financial world has established itself within the major cities and settled with the densest places because of the desired (if not strictly needed) interconnections with the financial world and, because of the density and intensity of cultural life, giving birth to a middle and upper class of multinational character. These processes underline the imminent return of density, born out of clash between pure differences. This clash opens new possibilities for architecture, reuniting banal yet fascinating combinations of programme."  8
                                                                                                                -Winy Maas
                Clearly, architecture at the beginning of the second millennium is faced with a daunting task, and one for which architecture alone may not be prepared.  Architecture must mature and develop integrating fields into its discipline which were previously beyond its scope. It must adopt a wider agenda, one focused on directions rather than reactions. In order to survive, architecture must provoke a public debate on space by placing itself in the middle; serving as curator to ideas which could result in its own maturation.9
Statistics
                As previously stated all matter belongs to some part of an existing network. In this aspect, humans are no different than single-celled organisms. The difference is that humans belong to many more networks and require much more to survive. Therefore, designing spaces for humans to dwell requires a vast knowledge of these networks. Statistics provide another layer to the architectural perception of space through quantitative analysis. In 1999, MVRDV published a project Metacity/Datatown which would serve as their manifesto for the role of statistical analysis in architecture. Metacity/Datatown seeks to define space strictly according to numbers with one element, "Metacity", which would cover the entire globe composed of smaller "Datatowns." These towns are formed as 400km by 400km blocks, a distance derived from the possible distance traveled using modern means of transport.  Each town is designed to be completely self-sufficient meaning that all the numerable networks associated to each individual, of all the numerable individuals inhabiting a singular Datatown must be quantified. With modern information, processing these calculations are fairly simple, thus quickly creating a virtual representation of a city in which the entire global populace could virtually exist with all their needs met. 3 The power of statistical analysis is the ability to see what is, in a way which predicts what will come next.
                The problem with statistics alone, however, is that what is or what will come may not be satisfactory. Design is not in the numbers, but rather is guided by them. Where architects and planners often fall short is not in their ability to collect information, but rather how to observe the data they see and extract from it meaning which is translatable to a realistic connection. 3 This translation inserts qualitative analysis back into the equation, allowing for human sensory perception to begin to abstract the numbers according to the designers intentions creating a datascape. 3 The paradoxical relationship between the staunch validity of the original data, and the personal perception of truth within the datascape is the bond which maintains its integration in reality.3 This is where Metacity/Datatown fails. While it is a project in which every global inhabitant could live, it is uncertain if anyone would choose to.
                Metacity/Datatown however was not designed as a solution to the vast number of urban and climatic concerns caused by rapid urban growth. However it was designed to make the public aware of what the numbers are and just how many of them there are. In this case MVRDV was playing the role of curator, bringing the information, and the possibilities, into the debate.
Technology
                A datascape containing all the information necessary for a project like Metacity/Datatown contains such a vast amount of data that the use of these statistics would not be possible without contemporary technological advances. According to Moore's Law (which is still proven true) originally composed in 1965, the number of transistors which can be placed inexpensively on an integrated circuit would continue to increase exponentially. Because this has remained true as technology advances, it continues to advance at an ever increasing rate.16 This has massive consequences on the world of architecture allowing architects to process information at rates and in ways unimaginable in years prior. It also begs the question of what will be the next innovation and how will it again transform the way space is designed. MVRDV is on the forefront of this movement. Upon the completion of Metacity/Datatown, Winy Maas together with a research group from The Berlage Institute began working within the virtual domain using simulation as a tool to translating the data compiled for Metacity/Datatown and eventually creating The Evolutionary City. Evolutionary City is the project which created a bundle of applications - "user interactive planning machinery" - which allow for users from numerous backgrounds to compare and evaluate data to the point of simulating and generating proposals. 12 The Grand Machine: The Ultimate Network as the bundle is called, encompasses numerous parallel applications, or mini-machines, which share the various data sets in the same way a computer cluster shares the computational load. Inframaker absorbs data on movement and proposes optimized traffic solutions. A Housing Generator develops optimized housing units based on input data. The Evaluator and The Evolver are Darwinist evolutionary problem solvers which translate the input based on innovation parameters. In this way new ideologies can be compared with the existing, based on various input parameters from competing cultural, political or economic ideologies. Evolutionary City is the result; a city which has the ability to study itself, optimize, adapt, and create new strategies accordingly.  Because of its user friendly interface, every citizen of The Evolutionary City has the ability to take part and help to improve the function of their city.12  
                A similar but much simplified version of this software is in place today in New York City. NYC311 was launched in March of 2003 and now handles 50,000 calls a day in addition to information supplied via smartphone applications, Twitter, and Skype by the city's residents on issues ranging from car alarms to air quality. Because of this service the people in charge of running the city have access to real time data on issues that matter to the residents and are able to address these issues according to their nature and priority. Also, because NYC311 stores all of the information received they are able to create a datascape that allows them to make improvements even before the complaints are received.5  This is the concept behind The Evolutionary City, real time data analysis for the continual optimization of the urban environment.
                While The Evolutionary City was truly innovative in the attempt to integrate technology and architecture/planning, the result is much like that of Metacity/Datatown in that the result is still simply based on fact, creating a banal and sterile environment. Because of its ability to handle a large number of parameters simultaneously, it does have the capability to deal with the complexities of a contemporary city in a way not previously conceptualized, but the result would not necessarily be an improvement. The observation of the data is still incorrect and while, the human, qualitative analysis is improved, the possible spatial result still remains static. A successful urban environment is dynamic and multi-dimensional, described as overlapping fields where the natural paradoxes of territorial intersection provide a framework for the interrelationships of urban life. The complexity of urban environments is the reason they exist. Cities can be equated with dynamic manifestations of a living organism, forever in the process of distortion and transformation. Therefore, tools such as these that allow one to begin to understand urban complexity are necessary in understanding their capacity for growth but should not be used without correct observation at the risk of diluting the natural potency of the organism in favor of modernist rationalistic urbanism.4
                Technology has more to offer architecture than simply computing facts and generating numbers. While the software within The Evolutionary City does take advantage of the virtual domain within its calculated simulations, the effect that happens when one begins to conceptualize the potential of virtual space allows one to think beyond the need of understanding urban complexity and actually begin to design for it.
                Virtual inhabitation is a fact of life for most people. Everytime one accesses a digital file whether it be on a phone, a computer or a website they are inhabiting that place. It may be argued that users with profiles or website that remain online even when the user is not connected is still inhabiting virtual space. Where virtual inhabitation affects architecture most radically however is most clearly apparent in the obsession with Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games (MMORPG's or MMO's) over the past ten years.  If the main purpose of architecture is the creation of space, or place (for the sake of this argument), then what purpose does architecture have when its inhabitants spend the majority of their time within a virtual space? MMO users not only move about in virtual space but also meet people and build relationships, conduct business, engage in political protests and even commemorate the passing of a loved one within a virtual world.20 Some users not only bring their Away From Keyboard (AFK) lives into the virtual environment but also their virtual lives into their AFK lives, engaging in trading and "black market" negotiations based on objects or currency within the virtual space. Millions of World of Warcraft users claim Azeroth , the virtual world within the game, is their home.20 Honestly, why shouldn't it feel like home when their only necessary connection to the AFK life are the simple physiological functions necessary for survival. Most, if not all, of their other needs such as love, belonging, esteem, and self-actualization come from within the virtual environment.
                 According to Martin Heidegger, dwelling is a state of existence - ich bin;  essentially I dwell. The word neighbor, nachgebauer, thus means one who dwells near. Building is an act of dwelling. Customization of one's environment is a result of one's care for the protection of that environment; to cherish it. Therefore the enjoyment and protection of one's self and one's loved ones is an act of dwelling.18 Dwelling is therefore not tied to physical space but rather the relationship with whatever form of space he or she is currently inhabiting whether that be virtual, physical, or other. This is the challenge for designing architectural space in the current technological world. People, more specifically MMO users, have chosen another world in which to dwell. That world is cherished, much unlike our physical world where famine, disease and deceit consume a large number of its inhabitants.17 The same issues that drive 180,000 people a year away from their homes to live in slum conditions in the urban centers also created a situation where seven-million people chose a virtual world as their home.
                Virtual space is where architecture will find the tools necessary to understand the existing complexities and design with them to create cities of greater capacity and better environment. Gaming is a perfect way to bridge that gap. Gaming allows for people to come together to create community and collectively discuss their personal perceptions of what they believe their environment should be.19 The addition of game theory to applications such as Evolutionary City may add another layer of input  that preserves urban complexity while still allowing it to be studied and, depending on the game play, could allow users to begin to build relationships within that virtual world that could serve as a model for extending urban capacities. In 2007 MVRDV published Spacefighter, another application bundle based on Evolutionary City, as an attempt to explore and model chains of interactive planning using a competitive game environment to model the conceptual city. Unfortunately, while the addition of the users within the application and the assignment of value to specific parameters, among other changes, does create a competitive environment, the interface for the game and the game play is geared more towards the software developers themselves.14  In order for virtual games to begin to make a difference in the way architecture and planning are conceptualized, they must first learn from World of Warcraft and be, "easy to learn, difficult to master." 17
Landscape
                Urban environments are not simply comprised of architectural forms. Much more inherent to the urban issue is the concept of landscape. Landscape offers an opportunity to face a situation that is becoming, "increasingly complex, potentially hybridized and decidedly heterodox in relation to the urban structures that nowadays define our environment." 4  The challenge is to intensify the border region between architecture and landscape in order to preserve that dynamic region. The interaction with that border through the act of crossing it and re-crossing multiplies the potential for  resonance and synergy, to reveal the landscape as a multiplicity of places. Urban landscape is not simply the geological patterns on which the city is built, rather it is the fabric that binds the urban environment together.4  In many ways landscape has a permanence and a dynamic quality that architecture lacks. While architectural form may retain a certain amount of fluidity during the design process, once constructed that fluidity is lost. For landscape this is not true. Throughout the design process it is known that whatever the final form may take it is constructed of living organisms and will therefore, continually optimize itself to its environment. The design process itself is rooted deeply in ecology and conservation so that, from the beginning, the final level of complexity is understood.7
                Even with people moving from agricultural regions into cities at such an alarming rate arable land is also diminishing. The farm lands that once surrounded and supported cities is being consumed by sprawl  as the people who can afford to leave move outside the urban area to escape the failing conditions within. In The Netherlands this problem is especially bad and national policies have been put in place to help preserve the remaining open spaces. In the work of MVRDV, a fear of these ecological risks and a need to publicize them is evident and their work better analyzed with the understanding of these policies.7  MVRDV's Dutch Pavilion, at the World's Fair in Hannover in 2002, is a prime example of their use of landscape and their ecological concern. The Netherlands, possibly more than any other country, has a history of conforming the natural landscape to fit the needs of its populace as roughly one fifth of the land that makes up the country's total area has been reclaimed from the sea. Yet The Netherlands is one of the densest countries on the planet and rivals Germany in technical prowess. What the Dutch Pavilion shows then is a model of urban hybridization between nature and technology. The multi level building seeks to increase the total area of green fields rather than diminish them by providing layers of natural program, parks, forests, etc. within the boundaries of the pavilion. The density and diversity within the program and the emphasis on nature serve as a, "symbol for multi-faceted nature of society." 13
                While ecological concern and attempts to draw attention to the risks is a valid role for architecture to play, the work of MVRDV does not always provide a legitimate solution to the problem. The methodologies they use are deeply modernist, as is evident by the way they present risks within the contemporary model as a basis for the design. The solution to these risks comes from a very thorough library of documentation (data) about the existing model but, as previously mentioned, the design process suffers in the way they observe or select what information to use and how. This was a methodology used by architects and planners such as Le Corbusier, Hilberseimer, Van Eesteren, and Van Lohuizen at the beginning of the twentieth century. However, the level of complexity to be understood calls for a solution that is more contemporary. The result of this is the lack of integration between built form and landscape in most of their work. While the building may house its own landscape on the interior, the way it is connected with the exterior landscape or urban fabric is not defined. When asked of this, Slavoj Zizek's remark is, "too general and too specific at the same time." 7
                 
                Two great challenges facing architects, urban planners and political socio-economic strategists in the second millennium of the common era are the trends of urban migration and technological dominance. Together these challenges create the basis of a new paradigm which may well define human existence for the foreseeable future. If architecture makes a point to provoke the public debate and stand for its own personal development by accepting outside methodologies, it may be the force which guides us through the period of change. If architecture realizes the complexity and the fragility that exists within the creation of place and reintegrates itself with the urban landscape, then our cities may indeed become the urban environments they were once conceived to be.



               


Bibliography

1.      Brandlhuber, Arno & Kniess, Bernd. "Arno Brandluhuber/Bernd Kniess (B&K+)." Archilabs's Earth Buildings: Radical Experiments in Land Architecture. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003. 74-79. Print.

2.      Brayer, Marie-Ange. "On the Surface of the Eart, in Search of the Chorographic Body." Archilabs's Earth Buildings: Radical Experiments     in Land Architecture. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003. 12-19. Print.

3.      Chabard, Pierre. "The Datamorphis of the World." Archilabs's Earth Buildings: Radical Experiments in Land Architecture. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003. 28-33. Print.

4.      Gausa, Manuel. "Architecture Is (Now) Geography." Archilabs's Earth Buildings: Radical Experiments in Land Architecture. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003. 40-43. Print.

5.      Johnson, Steven. "Invisible City." Wired Nov. 2010: 156-61. Print.

6.      Kinver, Mark. "The Challenges Facing an Urban World." BBC News. BBC,    13 June 2006. Web. 02 May 2012. .

7.             Lootsma, Bart. "Biomorphic Intelligence and Urban Landscape." Archilabs's Earth Buildings: Radical Experiments in Land Architecture. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003. 30-38. Print.

8.     Maas, Winy. "Berlage Institute." Archilabs's Earth Buildings: Radical Experiments in Land Architecture. New York: Thames & Hudson, 2003. 30-38. Print.

9.     Maas, Winy."Architecture is a Device." KM3: Excursions on Capacities. Barcelone: Actar,         2005. 34-45.   Print.


10.    Maas, Winy."Trends." KM3: Excursions on Capacities. Barcelone: Actar,    2005. 24-29.       Print.

11.    Maas, Winy."(Im)possible worlds: Speculations ." KM3: Excursions on Capacities. Barcelone: Actar,     2005. 46-93.   Print.

12.    Maas, Winy."Everyone is a citymaker: Optimizations." KM3: Excursions on Capacities. Barcelone: Actar, 2005. 1248-1355. Print.


13.    Maas, Winy."Stacked Landscape." KM3: Excursions on Capacities. Barcelone: Actar, 2005. 1118-1125. Print.

      
14.    Maas, Winy. Spacefighter: The Evolutionary City (game:). Barcelona [u.a.: Actar, 2007. Print.

15.    "Time and Space Compression." Cyborg Anthropology. 26 June 2011. Web. 02 May 2012. .

16.    Kanellos, Michael. "Moore's Law to Roll on for Another Decade - CNET News." CNET News. CBS Interactive, 10 Feb. 2003. Web. 03 May 2012. .

17. Levy, Steven. "Living a Virtual Life."Newsweek V. 148 No. 12 (September 18 2006) P. 48-50, 148.12 (2006): 48-50.

18. Heidegger, Martin. "Building Dwelling Thinking." Poetry, Language, Thought. New York: Harper Colophon, 1971. Print.

19. "TNS New Challenge – Amigo Legal Games." New Challenge. The New School. Web. 03 May 2012. .

Designing for the Individual: Analysis of the Work of Hassan Fathy


Countless work has been published on the phenomena of dwelling. How people inhabit spaces, seek shelter from the elements and gather in communities is a topic of great interest to those who design these spaces in order to fully facilitate harmony between the space and the inhabitant. Modernism brought about a reorientation in these ideals, a new view at dwelling. A key text to mark the end of this movement as noted by Diane Ghirardo in her book Architecture After Modernism is the book Architecture for the Poor by Hassan Fathy.1  
In his work Fathy address key changes to the way one should think about mass housing from a design standpoint as well as a bureaucratic one. Fathy had the opportunity to design and build a new settlement for a group of people, the Gourni, who were at the time living among the tombs at Luxor and making a living from grave robbing.  Placing an emphasis on individuality as well as culture and tradition, the Gourna Project had a chance for success beyond that of typical government housing, but bureaucratic powers were startled by the project’s attention to detail and the project was ultimately terminated for fear of the project becoming too expensive. This paper will attempt to address how culture, tradition, and individuality are important in mass housing and how the lessons of Fathy could potentially be used in similar projects outside the third world and in today’s standards.
1 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.
Ghirardo, Diane. Architecture After Modernism. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996.


Much of the critique about architecture has to do with specific styles, an interesting dilemma because architects insist that their designs are not powered by styles. However, one cannot argue that different regions, cultures, and sometimes religions create such different designs that sometimes referring to a specific style is the most coherent way of researching specific groups of buildings. Also from a construction point of view, style can be helpful when attempting to create something that fits with the regional specifics. A style can be a source of pride for a specific culture. Egypt however, did not have a style that was original to itself. While Egypt’s temples and palaces are studied the world over simple domestic architecture was typically borrowed and so became a medley of traditions from the surrounding regions, the result being a complete lack of cultural pride by Egyptians in their architectural heritage. 2
                “Tradition is the social analogy of personal habit, and in art has the same effect, of releasing the artist from distracting and inessential decisions so that he can give his whole attention to the vital ones”3. Tradition in architecture is typically given the role of public buildings and residences because in the modern world it seems like what is coined “Traditional Architecture” has somehow taken a back seat to the contemporary. The ease and cost of building traditional architecture in the United States makes it the prime choice for structures where form is less important than function and so it has become boring without any thought to the spaces themselves. In Fathy’s work however, a need for tradition was demanded because of the climate and availability of building materials required that he work using the methodologies created by his predecessors. This is a valuable lesson for contemporary architects today. “Modernity does not always mean liveliness and change is not always for the better” 4.
2 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.
3 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.
4 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.


With the world progressing thoroughly into a global economy and the ability to have parts made in China with materials from Germany all being assembled at a site in New York, the architect can easily loose sight both of the intended occupant of the space he or she has created but also the tradition for that region, until we begin to see bland layers of technicality that lack a sense of placement and depth. “The individual artist’s duty is to keep the tradition going, with his own invention and insight to give it that addition momentum that will save it from coming to a standstill, until it will have reached the end of its cycle and completed its full development” 5.

Before the advent of the role of architect, the client would work directly with the buildings, expressing each desire and watching his wishes be carried out. The disconnect between the owner and the craftsman in modern construction has created entire neighborhoods of identical houses, row upon row. Housing for the masses is a different question entirely. How when one architect can spend several years on one home for one family just to be able to have that dwelling fit the needs of that individual family can one possibly begin to consider designing for 200,000 families? What happens then is statistics are involved and people begin to be lumped into groups based on size and age and then the designer only has to develop several designs which are then conveniently mixed about to create a dwelling site which caters to all the factors present, except that now a few families are representatives of thousands and the individuality of those thousands of families has been lost. The government funding this project is not concerned with this however. All the government sees is poor people who need roofs over their heads and not a people that need a fresh start. Because of this certain aspects begin to suffer. “The labor processes can be classified as follows: 1) creative labor; 2) technical labor; 3)administrative and organizational labor; 4) skilled labor; 5) semiskilled labor; 6) unskilled labor” 6.
5  Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.
6 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.

Each of these various classes is necessary to the completion of the project. Remove any one and the project will not be completed. In order to economize then designers often skimp on certain aspects of the overall whole. For example Creative Labor can be drastically reduced by the previously mentioned practice of designing by statistics and only creating a very few styles of home for very many different families to inhabit. Technical Labor can be reduced by reducing the quality of the home, and so on until the government funded home is bland, characterless and damaging to the family’s health that will eventually live there.7
                        This is one of the primary problems with other modern housing projects typified by the Pruitt-Igoe housing blocks of St. Louis. On top of this the Housing Act of 1937 laid out that the goals for public housing be “decent, safe, and sanitary”, and where these goals meant to be the minimum guidelines they in fact became the typical plan for public housing(Fig.1).8
                        How then should the dilemma of public housing be addressed? Fathy would propose that you give each individual family it’s necessary means to provide for itself and it would, and would do so according to its varied and independent needs, thus producing a rich community that was fueled off the fulfillment of their work. Examples of this do exist. In China entire villages were created family by family underground, partly out of material necessity and partly because by moving their dwelling underground the ground is left open for crops to be cultivated (Fig. 3, 4, 5). The Dogons, a people that number a quarter million that live along the plateau of Bandigara have fashioned mud huts, the complexity of design and master planning of which is simply incredible (Fig. 6,7).9
 

7 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
8 Bauer, Catherine. “The Social Front of Modern Architecture in the 1930s.”   The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar., 1965), pp. 48-52
9 Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects. New York: Modern Museum of Art, 1964.


The truth of the matter is though that this is not a viable option for the majority of the world’s poor. The disadvantages that Fathy has in his project, the terrain, remoteness, and climate are actually advantages to him if using this system. The poor in a New Jersey slum would not be able to simply find ways to make shelter aside from their typical use of refuse and given the modern drug problems of many of the underprivileged a monetary donation by the state to provide for materials would probably never make it to the lumber yard (Fig. 8, 9). Here lies the other advantage of Fathy’s situation, the ground. His ability to make sufficient mud bricks on site makes this project perfect for an exercise with the inhabitant where both share the responsibility for the construction. While the idea is of true worth, the builder owner relationship that he suggests needs substantial development before it can be used beyond the Egyptian countryside. 10
The spread of the American Ideal into areas where it has no place has proved to be very damaging to local customs and traditions. Where Egyptian craftsman would typically construct their millwork from pieces of smaller timbers, due to the availability of wood, and were able to create very complex and unique patterns, now they see pristine solid wood doors on American homes and simply copy them. This goes back to the problem of American traditional architecture. The creation of standardized materials, while allowing certain constructions to be built simply, everything begins to look the same when used incorrectly. A resurgence of craft into the built mainstream would not only provide for a much greater complexity, it would also return jobs to the craftsman who know their work better than anyone else.11


10 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
11 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976


 This is where modernism begins to lose some of its design credibility. With the focus on a function driven form and a removal of detail from structure, standardization makes perfect sense. But there can only be so many of the typical modernist forms before they too become bland and unappealing. In his work with New Gourna Fathy attempted on many fronts to bring the craftsman back into the design. In his setting this was especially wise, it was a ground to begin to convince the people who were going to be living there to be excited about the prospects of both being able to work on their homes and to revive certain cultural techniques that had begun to die out. This has deep social implications. Many of the poor in third world areas such as Egypt are so because their trade is no longer needed. If one can find a way to revive the need for that trade and juxtapose it with a modern design technique, tradition may be preserved while design can progress.12

                Again, Fathy was lucky to have the availability of the mud and to be almost required to use it because of budget. The technique that he used in his project was revived from an ancient Nubian tradition of corbelling that was becoming harder to find. By using this material he was able to revive a lost art while taking advantage of a plentiful resource. Beyond that fact, the masons whose craft was to build these mud brick structures were so efficient that the construction of nine-hundred homes in at a rate of thirty houses per month was not unreasonable. A clear lesson can be learned her for modern design. Construction is the civilized world rarely takes the time to think about local resources and techniques and often specify certain systems and techniques that are very difficult and expensive simply because the material or the skill of that specific workforce is not available, therefore the need for outside labor and shipping of materials must be added to the budget. Knowing that in the context of the construction site there is a specific material or group with specific talents would be a great asset to any design, and as designers this must be carefully planned.13
12 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
13 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976

With the reestablishment of the relationship between the designer and the craftsman the only party unspoken for is the owner, the inhabitant. Fathy had much difficulty however, getting any input whatsoever from the Gourni people. This can only be expected. A people fully content with where they are and how they live being asked to pick up and move to a new location away from the only source of income that they’ve ever known has no motive to move. While this may not be entirely true for projects attempting to house people in similar situations elsewhere, the desire to stay where one feels safe and secure, and with all the accoutrements of home would be very difficult even if promising a well design place to dwell. How then should the crucial party be reached, for without their input the entire system of individualized design would be flawed. 14
                In order to make an attempt to design for the Gourni people without their input, Fathy made two studies that he hoped would allow him to grasp a style that would suit these people. First he made a study of the vernacular architecture at old Gourna, making specific note of buildings with the least luxury. Secondly, he compared his designs to the landscape, and by setting his design to flow around the natural terrain, as well as several things of great importance to the Gourni people, his designs began to be more tailored to the people who would live there.15  
                Another major consideration Fathy must make in order to make his houses work is the extreme climate in northern Egypt. Passive strategies for this climate call for large thermal masses that take a long time to heat up, but store heat allowing it to radiate throughout the considerable cooler night. Here a mud brick construction is the perfect material choice.16
 

14 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
15 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976

 Typical thermal massing techniques involve the use of concrete with a transfer coefficient of .8 where mud bricks have a coefficient of .22, thus allowing them much longer periods of heating and cooling. Ventilation is also a key factor in this climate. Because of the dryness of the air cooling can be achieved simply by the movement of air, therefore adequate ventilation is mandatory.17
When designing for maximum passive gain and ventilation orientation must be derived from the sun and the wind. Designing for homes in large quantities like the Gourna Project presents some interesting difficulties because of reflected radiation off of neighbor’s houses which can sometimes be more intense than the sun itself. Fathy in his design chose to orient the houses so that the living rooms face south rather than north despite the harsh desert sun. He did this because while the southern side receives the most radiation from the sun the angle at which is impacts the south-facing wall is much greater than the angle at which radiation impacts the north facing walls that is reflected off surrounding homes. Any light that does directly impact the southern wall can be nearly eliminated by the addition of an overhang to shade that elevation. The northern façade would be designed in such a way as to allow sufficient northern breezes to enter the building and carry the hot air up and out of clerestory windows that would line the top of the walls which were extended an extra half story to allow for the hot air to rise. This attention to detail, the dominance of passive strategies seems second nature in Fathy’s work. To him it makes perfect sense that when designing for poor who have no means to afford the extravagant costs associated with temperature control and electric lighting, to use systems where these luxuries are not required. At what point in modern design were these critical details deemed unnecessary in public housing projects.18
 


17 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
18 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976

 “The rational approach was abandoned, because it would have required open minds and a real kind of collaboration and teamwork: architects working with engineers and social scientists, continuously trying to find better solutions, making experiments and testing them, working with business and government to encourage more research, experiment, and improvement” 19 (Fig. 10).    Working at this level of detail provides many opportunities to bring those lost local customs back into the design. One such detail the Malkaf, or wind catch, is a chimney like element that rises above the roofline to catch cooler fresher air and funnel it into the heart of the home. Baffles are often placed within this airway that may be wetted to add humidity to the air and in turn cool the room.20
Fathy compares community to a shoe. When it’s new it’s rough and awkward but with use it breaks in and becomes comfortable. Likewise a community, through multiple generations begins to achieve complexity through the quirks and stigmas that imply individuality. Therefore to successfully pick up one fully functioning community and move a deep investment in social studies must be made. Everything must be known from the number of children each family has to knowing personal grudges and community gossip. “The visual character of a village, like the habits of its population may change beyond recognition while to the undiscerning eye of the statistician it remains exactly the same. Statistics will completely miss such vital information as how the people celebrate personal and religious feasts. By remaining ignorant, for example, of the custom whereby anyone who has come back from Cairo stays the first night not in his own house but in the mayor’s madyafa, to give out news, an architect would fail to make provision for the custom”21.


19 Bauer, Catherine. “The Social Front of Modern Architecture in the 1930s.”   The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar., 1965), pp. 48-52
20 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
21 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976


The layout of this new development proves to be the part of the design where an in depth knowledge of kinship structure and local customs is most necessary. Egyptian peasant towns are typically composed of many tightly pack homes both to protect from hostile nature of the countryside and to preserve precious farmland from sprawl. Preserving local custom in street design proved to be very difficult. While typical straight lines can provide certain efficiency they are a true western icon which has no place in the Egyptian countryside. Straight lines also bring buildings together in parallel lines that can create monotony in the street elevation by pressing each home together and squeezing out vegetation. In New Gourna the homes were composed in blocks which allows for a semi private entrance on the courtyard side while the density of each block brings a level of urbanity to the development the complexity of which adds vibrancy to the lifestyles of the inhabitants. Furthermore the courtyards created by these blocks carry a local signature of the Arab world. Because of the harshness of the ground in the desert the sky was the focal point of divine concentration to those who inhabit this par t of the planet. The courtyard then allowed for the house to have a central room onto which windows would open allowing the viewer to see sky from any window in the house without having to see the ground itself. These courtyards are the last stronghold for sanctity in the Arab home, the addition of a fountain creates a path from harsh world outside, through a cleansing mediator into the heart of the home. In his layout Fathy designed each home around a courtyard and in turn each group of homes around another courtyard with each block of homes designed for one badana, or tribe.22



22 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976


Each badana consists of ten or so families each centered around a central patriarch living independently, but with strong internal ties. For example a member of one badana would not shop for groceries at the shop of another and so forth. In this way the courtyard was able to act as a common ground for meetings of the entire badana on the occasion of weddings and ceremonies of the like.23
                Knowing this specific kinship structure was necessary for the success of the design for not only must each family must have its own individualized home but each badana its own individualized block. A designer without this knowledge could have all too easily separated these badanas according to family and because of it the entire development would fail because of his or her lack of understand of these social underpinnings.24
                        Above and beyond the family orientations and its requirement on layout the simple question of subsistence became a worry for Fathy during this project. While in Old Gourna the people were able to make a living from the scourging of tombs, the act that was the reason for their relocation in the first place. By moving them to a new location however and stripping them of the only income they’ve ever known this entire people was now virtually unemployed. The new development did allocate roughly 2,500 acres for farmland but this was only enough to grow food for about 3,000 people leaving an excess of 3,000 still without a way to survive.25



23 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
24 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
25 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976


 Two apparent answers could potentially relieve this problem. This first is somewhat in line with the Gournis previous occupation which is that their location is strategically placed near the great monuments and the ability to take advantage of tourism from these sites could greatly help support the Gourni people. The second option while requiring a considerably more skill is to revive culture and traditional crafts and trade that had been lost over the years.26
 Alabaster turning, blanket weaving, construction and jewelry if reinstated into the community could be sold to surrounding areas for enough profit to allow Gourna to not only survive but prosper and not only would their livelihood no longer be at risk but they would have the opportunity to maintain tradition that was being lost for future generations.27
“The most serious assaults on the Modern Movement had lasting impacts. Four
books published within less than a decade signaled the forthcoming change: Jane
Jacob’s The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961), Robert Venturi’s
Complexity and Contradiction in Architecture (1966), Aldo Rossi’s The
Architecture of the City (1966), and Hassan Fathy’s Architecture for the Poor
(first published as Gourna: A Tale of Two Villages, in 1969).28


 

26 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
27 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
28 Bauer, Catherine. “The Social Front of Modern Architecture in the 1930s.”   The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar., 1965), pp. 48-52

Architecture for the Poor is a critical text to mark the end of modernism because Hassan Fathy’s design work is centralized around a collectiveness, a focus on individuality but furthermore he seeks to surpass the stereotypical norm for architectural design and begins to make serious commitments to the preservation and fulfillment of tradition, culture and an overall desire for the wellbeing of the humanity his architecture directly contacts.
His attention to detail moves beyond the strive for harmony beyond form and function and begins to look at dwelling as an organism much like the work or Le Corbusier but by design each organism for each person a level of symbiosis begins to be achieved that is lacking in the work of the great modernist designers.29
“Pietro Belluschi defined communal architecture as, “” a communal art, not produced by a few intellectuals or specialist but by the spontaneous and continuing activity of a whole people with a common heritage, acting under a community of experience.”30
That quote summarizes the entire work of Hassan Fathy and sets a standard that was unheard of in typical modern design. For designers in the postwar era this is a standard that should be strived for, to use a collective of professionals to design spaces that are individually tailored for each inhabitant where the attention to detail leaves nothing overlooked. From such a design process a knowledge of form should emerge to rival that of the modernist greats. 


29 Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976
30 Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects. New York: Modern Museum of Art, 1964.

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Bibliography

Bauer, Catherine. “The Social Front of Modern Architecture in the 1930s.”   The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Mar., 1965), pp. 48-52

Fathy, Hassan. Architecture for the Poor: An Experiment in Rural Egypt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976.
Ghirardo, Diane. Architecture After Modernism. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1996.
Rudofsky, Bernard. Architecture Without Architects. New York: Modern Museum of Art, 1964.